WAR TENDS TO BE BAD FOR BUSINESS. Funding dries up and proficient employees flee. So it has proved within the Persian Gulf, the place the warfare with Iran has pushed out foreigners, snarled provide chains, and destroyed native infrastructure. This might sound an odd time, then, for the US to begin exporting thousands and thousands of costly and complicated AI computing chips to the United Arab Emirates. Knowledge facilities within the UAE had been, in spite of everything, a few of the first targets of Iranian drones.
The Trump administration apparently sees issues in another way. Final month, it removed all restrictions on the sale of superior AI chips—together with a number of different delicate expertise and navy gear—to the Emirati authorities and its nationwide AI champion, G42. For years, the UAE has been begging Washington to let it purchase extra chips. The nation is eager to show itself into a world supplier of AI companies; it needs to be the AI model of an oil state, ready to make use of its management of computing energy for financial and political leverage.
The Trump administration appears decided to make that occur. This most up-to-date favor to the UAE is simply the most recent in a sequence of self-defeating choices. To recap: In Might 2025, Trump introduced offers with the Gulf states to spice up their AI ambitions, approving the development of a few of the largest AI information facilities on this planet within the UAE and Saudi Arabia. These offers had been at all times risky: The Gulf states have shut ties to China and a track record of expertise leakage and mass surveillance. And the administration by no means had an excellent plan for how one can protect these monumental information facilities stuffed with fragile electronics from drone strikes. But it surely not less than promised that exports can be conditioned on “strong” safety measures.
Because it turned out, the administration couldn’t deliver on its pledges. It struggled to implement the offers, failing to process chip export licenses on time. Negotiations stalled over safety necessities and funding commitments. Chip firms and Gulf governments alike grew annoyed.
Then got here the warfare. In February, Trump’s navy marketing campaign towards Iran put the whole enterprise mannequin behind the Gulf AI offers in jeopardy. It’s onerous to construct and function cloud infrastructure in a warfare zone. Overseas employees left, regional ports had been disrupted, and insurance coverage prices soared. Iran, in search of financial targets, bombed Amazon’s information facilities within the UAE and Bahrain, and threatened extra strikes on OpenAI’s Stargate UAE, the centerpiece of the administration’s Gulf ambitions. Months after the outbreak of the combating, Amazon’s Center East servers are nonetheless offline.
BY THIS POINT, ANOTHER ADMINISTRATION might need rethought the technique of offshoring America’s AI infrastructure to the Gulf. The Trump administration doubled down. On July 10, it removed all restrictions on the sale of superior chips and different delicate expertise to the Emirati authorities, lifting controls that had been in place since earlier than the current AI increase. State-backed Emirati firms can now purchase thousands and thousands of AI chips, construct large information facilities at house and overseas, and host main AI fashions inside their territory—all with out the safety restrictions the Trump administration as soon as touted. If highly effective fashions sit on Emirati soil, the U.S. authorities will lose affect over how they’re used, and will probably be far tougher for U.S. firms and safety companies to forestall the mannequin weights—the mannequin’s core mental property—from being stolen.
The giveaway goes past AI. The top of restrictions on the sale of different navy expertise could enable the UAE to purchase American arms extra simply than Saudi Arabia and, in some circumstances, even Israel—a probable unsustainable scenario. Washington could effectively discover itself pressured into additional concessions to maintain the area onside.
What the US received in return is difficult to see. The Trump administration’s announcement recognized no new safety commitments from the UAE, no new restrictions on expertise transfers, and no concessions on the UAE’s relationship with China. Key figures in President Trump’s circle, nonetheless, seem to have benefited handsomely from the UAE. Shortly earlier than the US initially authorised the sale of extra chips to the Gulf, for instance, the UAE’s nationwide safety advisor Sheikh Tahnoon bin Zayed al-Nahyan purchased a 49 % stake price half a billion {dollars} in World Liberty Monetary, a cryptocurrency enterprise based by family of Trump and his Center East envoy, Steve Witkoff.
It’s onerous to know what precisely is driving the Trump crew’s decision-making, however opening the faucets on one among America’s most superior applied sciences makes neither strategic nor financial sense. There are many extra dependable allied international locations the place U.S. firms can construct main information facilities. And giving freely the shop on AI is a excessive worth to pay to maintain the UAE onside throughout a warfare the US had no urgent want to begin within the first place. For all its claims to place America first, the Trump administration has given the Emiratis the deal of the century.
Within the area of a 12 months, the Trump administration has managed to make guarantees it couldn’t hold, begin a warfare that destroyed the financial case for the unique discount, after which give away all of its leverage to compensate for the injury. For a president who talks endlessly about deal-making, giving freely one of many crown jewels of American expertise and getting nothing in return is a exceptional achievement.
Alasdair Phillips-Robins is a fellow on the Carnegie Endowment for Worldwide Peace.
Sam Winter-Levy is a senior fellow on the Carnegie Endowment for Worldwide Peace.














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